A number of right wing critics have recently claimed that President Obama is seeking reparations. This includes Glenn Beck and Rush Limbaugh who have both repeatedly called health care reform a form of stealth reparations. The apparent reasoning is that health care reform will proportionately benefit Blacks as a group more than whites, because Blacks [...]]]> Henry Louis Gates writes in the New York Times that reparations discussion should include a focus on culpability of Black slave traders in Africa – a move which ultimately serves to weaken many reparations arguments. Why is the President’s advisor making these kinds of arguments — and why now? I can’t say for sure, but I suspect that it relates to the existing political environment.

A number of right wing critics have recently claimed that President Obama is seeking reparations. This includes Glenn Beck and Rush Limbaugh who have both repeatedly called health care reform a form of stealth reparations. The apparent reasoning is that health care reform will proportionately benefit Blacks as a group more than whites, because Blacks have a higher rate of uninsured individuals.

The underlying insurance statistics are clear enough — Black individuals lacking insurance make up about 19% of the group population, while the comparable percent for whites is about 10%. In fact a number of advocates (including me) have argued that this and other major statistical gaps are reasons to support reparations, because they show how slavery and Jim Crow inflict continuing harm today.

Beck and Limbaugh have flipped the argument around. Not only do they argue that reparations would be uncalled for, but they further argue that programs like health care reform which would have the effect of lessening some existing egregious racial gaps should all be treated as stealth reparations. This is not just a Wechsler-esque claim about facially neutral laws; rather it’s the much more outrageous claim that we should lock in place the current racial status quo with its many racialized injustices, and that any attempt to move from the status quo is stealth reparations.

Why does the reparations label matter? Polls show massive, overwhelming white opposition to reparations. Al Brophy summarizes poll findings in Reparations Pro & Con, and they are striking. Overall national support for reparations is between 10% and 15% depending on the poll, but poll results are incredibly racially polarized. While reparations are supported by 2/3 of Blacks in many polls, they are supported by less than 5% of whites — it’s the most racially divisive issue in polling history.

Because reparations is so anathema to whites (even most white progressives), the topic becomes a political third rail. When Limbaugh or Beck characterize health care as “stealth reparations,” it’s an attempt to tap into the huge pool of white disapproval of The R Word, and as such is a deliberate attack on Obama’s moderate-progressive multiracial coalition. And like Clinton’s denunciation of Sister Souljah, Obama and Gates are protecting the middle. He knows he can’t alienate white progressives, because he can’t win with just the Black vote. And Blacks will always be around, but centrist whites are fickle, they’re the Justice O’Connor of the electorate ready to switch sides at any time. So Gates’ article distances Obama from The scary R Word, and in doing so protects the center.

Which is not really unexpected, given the current political climate.

The United States Senate recently offered an apology for slavery, which contained an unusual disclaimer prohibiting its use in any claim for monetary reparations. This Essay examines the legal and moral effects of that apology. It analyzes the role of apology within the slavery reparations debate generally as well as the question of whether a stand-alone apology can be a valid form of reparations. It then examines the moral and symbolic effects of the Senate disclaimer, and offers suggestions for bolstering the apology and furthering the restorative justice goals of reparations.

If you’re interested [...]]]> Earlier this week, the Connecticut Law Review CONNtemplations published my short article, Apology Lite: Truths, Doubts, and Reconciliations in the Senate’s Guarded Apology for Slavery. The article’s abstract is:

The United States Senate recently offered an apology for slavery, which contained an unusual disclaimer prohibiting its use in any claim for monetary reparations. This Essay examines the legal and moral effects of that apology. It analyzes the role of apology within the slavery reparations debate generally as well as the question of whether a stand-alone apology can be a valid form of reparations. It then examines the moral and symbolic effects of the Senate disclaimer, and offers suggestions for bolstering the apology and furthering the restorative justice goals of reparations.

If you’re interested in the topic, please take a moment to read the article; it’s not particularly long. If you’ve read the piece, I’m curious as to your thoughts about the Senate’s guarded apology. How serious are the concerns set out in Apology Lite? Can a lite apology be effective? Is it better than no apology? And, what do you think about my suggestions for bolstering the Senate apology?

The NLJ summarizes Birmingham’s argument as: “The sometimes controversial professor asked students to make a case for slavery reparations in light of the fact that much of Africa is beset by war, famine and AIDS.” Law.com later summarizes:

In an [...]]]> As reported in outlets like the National Law Journal, Connecticut professor Robert L. Birmingham has taken a leave of absence following a strange incident in which he apparently showed the class a racy video clip — complete with scantily clad strippers — as part of an in-class argument against reparations for slavery. Some commenters have suggested that this case raises potential questions of academic freedom. Let’s set aside those issues, to focus on the substance of Birmingham’s argument as reported in the NLJ.

The NLJ summarizes Birmingham’s argument as: “The sometimes controversial professor asked students to make a case for slavery reparations in light of the fact that much of Africa is beset by war, famine and AIDS.” Law.com later summarizes:

In an e-mail, one student in the remedies class characterized Birmingham’s classroom exercise as a “syllogistically perfect” argument that the students, try as they might, were not able to disprove in 15 minutes of discussion. The professor questioned whether reparations are logically due for American descendants of slaves, who generally enjoy a much better standard of living than modern West Africans whose ancestors were not enslaved,” the student wrote.

Of course, this basic argument isn’t limited to Birmingham, and is quite familiar to reparationists. It’s a point often raised by reparations critics like David Horowitz.

Is this really a syllogistically perfect (or otherwise convincing) argument against reparations for slavery?

I’ll start with a few assumptions.

There is a wide degree of variation in wealth and standard of living, both in Africa, and in the United States. (Plus, many slaves were taken to other countries such as present-day Jamaica, Haiti, and so on.) However, on the whole, there are a number of areas, such as life expectancy, disease, and education, where persons presently living in the United States enjoy a greatly superior standard of living. I’ll assume across-the-board correctness of Birmingham’s factual statement that U.S. slave descendants enjoy a better standard of living than people presently living in Africa.

Also, we will set aside for the moment questions of whether the slave trade itself caused some or all of this disparity, by factors like removing able-bodied workers and fostering intergroup strife. Some scholars have suggested that the slave trade contributed significantly to the gap, and that absent the slave trade itself, Africa might not be lagging in these indicators. But let’s set that aside for now.

This anti-reparations argument boils down to a “net gain” sort of theory. It says, in essence, “yes, we enslaved Africans. But in the process, we inadvertently moved them to a location where their descendants now enjoy a better standard of living. Therefore, there has been a net gain.” It doesn’t matter that no benevolent intent to move African-Americans to a better place existed (indeed, any intent was malevolent). The inadvertent net gain should offset any claim for restitution.

Thus, the “syllogistically perfect” argument is this: Yes, government and private actors affirmatively sought to harm Africans (and succeeded very well in doing so), but in the process they also accidentally created a later benefit, and that later benefit should preclude any claim for compensation based on harm inflicted.

Does the law recognize this kind of defense? Should it?

Once we see the chain of reasoning, it’s easy to export this to other scenarios, that allow us to better examine the question. Let’s look at two hypotheticals.

Hypothetical 1:

ABC Corp’s bankers and advisors suggest that the company should launch its IPO in June. Charlie CEO chooses not to do this, because he thinks an August IPO would be better for him personally. That action is a clear violation of his duty of loyalty.

By happenstance, the IPO market tanks in June, and then experiences an unexpected upswing in August. As a result, Charlie’s action unexpectedly creates a financial gain.

Should shareholders be able to sue Charlie for breach of duty? His action was motivated by harmful intent, and is a violation of his duty; but he accidentally created a benefit.

And the defense seems potentially reasonable, primarily because there are no damages. It all comes out in the wash, so to speak. The no harm, no foul argument may be reasonable here.

Does that mean that this argument should also apply in the slavery reparations context? Consider another hypothetical.

Hypothetical 2:

Violet Victim lives in the Del Fuego apartment complex. On her way back from work early on the evening of the 20th, Violet is kidnapped at gunpoint by Kenny Kidnapper.

Kenny ties her up and takes her to a secluded location, where he violently assaults her. He rapes her and beats her severely. Then leaves her, bleeding and naked, to die of exposure in the woods. Violet is found a few days later, miraculously still alive, and taken to a hospital where she eventually recovers somewhat from the trauma of her ordeal.

By happenstance, at precisely midnight on the 20th, a gas main directly below the Del Fuego apartment complex broke, and began a fire which immediately engulfed the entire building. There were no survivors.

At trial in the tort action, Kenny asserts the defense, “if I hadn’t kidnapped you, you would most likely have perished in the later fire.”

Is that defense convincing? Should it block Violet’s tort action? Should we really excuse Kenny’s harmful actions here?

*

At the very least, it’s seems much more complicated to say that there’s no net harm here — that the inadvertent gain of removal from a bad place should outweigh the deliberate vicious acts. One could quite reasonably suggest that the inadvertent benefit of removal from the building should _not_ offset the deliberately harmful actions.

Why would we be more likely to allow an offset in the first hypothetical? Probably because monetary losses are more easily viewed as fungible. The concept of offset assumes some level of fungibility. Mere monetary harms are relatively easily viewed as fungible (and thus capable of being offset). Damages to person are more complicated, and it’s not clear that a benefit count for offset against a harm.

Of course, there are offset theories in areas of law. In the criminal context, for example, the Model Penal Code gives the justification of necessity; this is limited, though, and would not apply here. (As my colleague Anders Kaye points out, if I rescue someone from harm, I’m not allowed to simply kill that person the next day, and then assert a defense of net gain — the idea that since I bought the person an extra day of life, I haven’t really done any harm.)

Obviously, slavery is in the category of harm to person. Yes, it’s possible to construct arguments that would give an offset for the inadvertent benefit. But those arguments are by no means obvious or self-evident; and in fact, it seems to me that the opposite arguments are quite a bit more convincing.

Now Eric’s writing about an interesting development in Wilmington, North Carolina: a legistlatively authorized commission has concluded that an 1898 race riot there was a political coup d’etat that reversed the fortunes of the city’s African-American community for years to follow. The committee offered [...]]]> Eric Mulller, over at Is That Legal, has been very busy for the last few days. First he offered a trenchant critique of Pope Benedict’s talk at Auschwitz last week. (“The Pope’s Disasterous Speech At Auschwitz.”) Then he engaged Dean Esmay over what he frames as Esmay’s propogation of ” the revisionist myth of a terrorized German populace whose will was overborne.” You know the world is topsy-turvy when John Leo is citing Eric approvingly.

Now Eric’s writing about an interesting development in Wilmington, North Carolina: a legistlatively authorized commission has concluded that an 1898 race riot there was a political coup d’etat that reversed the fortunes of the city’s African-American community for years to follow. The committee offered recommendations “to repair the moral, economic, civic and political damage wrought by the violence and discrimination resulting from a conspiracy to re-take control of city, county, and state governments by the Democratic Party’s white supremacy campaign.” The executive summary is here.

This report will presumably be of great interest to Al Brophy, who served as counsel to the Tulsa Race Riot Commission. You can find a number of links to Tulsa Race Riot materials here.

On a more self-interested note, we’re very excited that Eric will be visiting with us here at Co-Op starting in a couple of weeks!